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Home » Speeches » M A Jinnah
M A Jinnah

(Speech on February as Prime Minister of India)
The Hindu Religious and Charitable Trusts Bill

Sir I think it will be most unfortunate if this House should throw out this Bill. Dr. Gour has earned a reputation as a social reformer and he has shown so much zeal that now he is being looked upon with a certain amount of suspicion. I want this House to understand clearly that this has nothing whatever to d0 with social reform, nor has it got anything to do with religion. I think this House will agree with me that prevention is better than cure and this Bill is intended to be a preventive and nothing more. At present there are many trusts, probably unknown trusts, of such a character that their beneficiaries do not know what their rights are, what is more, they are indifferent and sometimes they do not care whether the trusts are properly administered or not. This Bill is not intended to interfere with the Hindu religion. Although I am a Mohammadan and I was quite willing to serve on the Committee, I may assure the House that I shall be the last person to be a party to any measure which was likely to hurt the religious feelings of the Hindus and their sentiments. I want to assure the House that this Bill has nothing whatever to do with the Hindu religion. At present what is the position? Supposing a trustee maladministers a trust or commits a breach of trust.

The position is, as Pandit Motilal Nehru pointed out, that somebody has got to go to court, that is, after the breaches have been committed after the funds are misappropriated, somebody goes to court, and what is the result? The result is that an enormous amount of money is spent and ultimately the court frames a scheme as to how that trust is to be administered. If we have this Bill it would mean that every trustee will have to disclose the nature of the trust, the instrument under which he is a trustee and he will have to place his accounts regularly before an authority, and it will be open to any member of the public to go and see accounts and examine them, and therefore there is this check which will prevent maladministration and misappropriation and breach of trust. Therefore I hope this House will realize what the true issue before it is and will allow this Bill to go to the Select Committee.

(On September 8, 1924, Sir Basil Blackett, the Finance Member, introduced a Bill to extend the law relating to the levy of customs duty on articles imported or exported by land. Under the Tariff Act, the Government could declare any State a foreign territory, whether that be an Indian State; and by this measure, the Government could enforce the collection of duties.
Speech by M.A. Jinnah on this motion)

The Land Customs Bill

Sir, I think there is some confusion in the minds of some Honorable Members, when they say that in the Select Committee the matter was discussed and thereafter an assurance was given that the Tariff Act should not apply to the Indian States. That is not quite correct. As far as I understand, Sir, what happened was this. Under the old Act, I mean the Tariff Act, which was sought to be amended by the Bill which was introduced by the Government at the last session, the Government already had power, by notification, to declare any Indian State to be a foreign territory. They already had those powers, and therefore the question then really was to deal with the particular emergency that had arisen, namely, whether the Siamese Frontier should not be brought under the Act as it stood. The Act therefore was sought to be amended for that purpose. We gathered at the time that there was a very strong feeling regarding the petition of Indian States and I think the prime mover was my Honorable friend Mr. Dumasia, and he brought the question to the front in the course of the debate. Then, Sir Charles Innes, speaking on behalf of the Government, gave his assurance to this extent that the Government had no intention for the present to declare by notification Indian States as foreign territory. Well, now the Bill before us, Sir, is undoubtedly a very comprehensive Bill.

Therefore, so far as the law which enables the Government to levy the duty is concerned, that law is already there and they can declare under the present Tariff Act Indian States as foreign territory. But they have got the machinery for collecting that duty only in two Presidencies, the Bombay Presidency and the Madras Presidency. They propose now to do away with that and substitute this Bill which is a comprehensive Bill, and which will apply to the whole of India. But although this Bill is machinery provided for the purpose of collecting duty, it is open to the Government under the present law by notification to declare any Indian State as foreign territory. Once that is done, then this Bill can be utilized for the purpose of collecting duty. Therefore, it is a very comprehensive Bill, but after hearing Sir Basil Blackett, I do not wish to make any proposal from my side yet. I am satisfied that if we can find a solution and confine this machinery, which is after all machinery for collecting duty, to properly called foreign territories and foreign States, that is, if we can make some provision which will exclude the Indian States, I think on this side of the House we shall be satisfied, I do not wish to make my particular suggestion just now. But I think it is a matter which might be threshed out in the Select Committee.

(Speech on September 19, 1924 in Legislative Assembly)
The Land Customs Bill

I am very glad, Sir, that Mr. Patel thought fit to withdraw his amendment and did not make any grievance that his amendment was rejected by the vote of the Chairman of the Select Committee. In regard to Mr. Kelkars amendment, Sir, I would like to say that it stands on a somewhat different footing. It has received some support from my Honorable friend, Mr. Rangachariar, but I can appreciate his point. Mr. Kelkars amendment does not confine itself to sub clause (c). Mr. Rangachariars point was that if a person is hauled up before a customs officer on a charge of aiding and abetting, to put it very shortly, the smuggling of dutiable goods, then, in that case, the executive officer, namely, the customs officer, would be entitled to deal with him. And if he found that that man was guilty of aiding and abetting, he would inflict a fine upon him, and that Mr. Rangachariar says is a thing that ought not to be allowed. I was saying that I fully appreciate that point. And if that was only to be remedied, then Mr. Kelkars amendment must be confined to subclause (c), in the first instance. Sir, I entirely believe, and no man appreciates or believes more firmly in this principle, that no mans property or liberty should be touched without a judicial trial. And I shall be the last man to do anything in the least degree to undermine that principle which is so dear to everyone.

We thought, as Sir Basil Blackett has put it in the Select Committee, that, instead of trying to get a little bit here in this particular Bill, which, after all, is of a limited character, and as Government have given us the assurance that the whole question is going to be reconsidered under the Sea Customs Act in the very near future, it would be better for us to wait. But I say that if this amendment were merely confined to clause 7, subclause (c), I would support it, but that is not the amendment.

(Speech on February 3, 1925)
The Special Laws Repeal Bill

Sir, when I listened to the last speaker and the amount of anger, the amount of rage and the very little of material in his speech, I really wondered what he would do if he had to exercise his powers under the Regulation. Very few people would be safe indeed, and that is one of the dangers which the Honorable Member has displayed. Sir, the official mind I mean this in no disrespect is so peculiarly constituted that it cannot possibly see the opposite view, and the Honorable Member worked himself up to a picture as horrible as it could be of Malabars, Agencies, and so on and so forth. I shall deal. Sir, in a moment with the issue which this Assembly has got to decide. Then, again, another example of that great Service and the mentality of that Service was Mr. Hudson. He made a speech, Sir, which was out of place after breakfast. (Laughter) He even went to the length of saying and I was surprised that he should have made such a damaging admissionthat, although he has been an officer for so many years in the Bombay Presidency, although some prominent men in Bombay were regulated under this Regulation, he had never read the provisions of the Regulation. What a creditable thing for an officer who has been one of the rulers in the Presidency to make a confession like that before this Assembly. But why should he read it? What does it matter to him? He is safe. He knows he cannot be regulated out of his liberty. Why not? For the very good reason that he is a ruler. I listened to the speech of Mr. Denys Bray and with great respect, and it dealt with a point of view I recognize. I fully recognize it. Sir, that is one of the points which has embarrassed me to a certain extent in dealing with these Regulations. The question of the Frontier is one that does require very carefully consideration.

Now, Sir, let us examine the issue before the House today. The first charge that is brought against us is that we are wanting in capacity to appreciate the necessity for maintaining law and order. I assure you, whatever may be your ideas, and I am speaking on behalf of a very large body of the Members of this House, there is no justification for that allegation. I have no hesitation in saying that anarchical crimes must be ended. We want to see the end of it, I want to see the end of it, and I have no hesitation in telling you that I am willing to cooperate with you whole heartedly to put an end to this danger which is facing us. And when I say so, I honestly say so and when I admit that, I honestly admit it, but it does not follow that, while I desire that, I agree with your methods. The real issue is the methods. What are the methods which you want to employ? Sir, these Regulations presuppose a personal rule. Do my Honorable friends there recognize that? You have governed this country by Regulations, you have governed this country by personal rule for the last 150 years. Do you recognize that that is slowly passing away? You have reached a different stage. We, on the other band, desire that that personal rule should be replaced by the rule of law. We desire that the growth of citizenship should be encouraged and we desire to establish a representative government. That is really the issue between us and you. Now, can we tolerate Regulations of this character on the Statutebook? And what can be the justification for keeping them on the Statutebook? You appointed a Repressive Laws Committee.

That Committee made its report. It recommended that, if not. all, most of these repressive laws should be repealed, with the exception of those affecting the Northwest Frontier. The Government agreed to it. We had a long, rigmarole speech from Mr. Moir Evidently he lives in Madras and is out of touch with things. The Government agreed to the repeal. And what is the justification now? As my Honorable friend the Home Member very rightly said, and so did Sir Malcolm Hailey in that debate last March on the Resolution to take steps to repeal the Regulation of 1818, his point was exactly the same as the Honorable the Home Member now makes. He says Well, present conditions are such that we cannot possibly part with these powers. There is a recrudescence of anarchism in Bengal and the present is not a moment when we can possibly part with these powers. These are powers which are always welcomed by Madras. It is in their very nature. They like these powers, they would like more such powers. I say these are powers which are always welcomed by the bureaucracy although my Honorable friend the Home Member may be an exception to that and I am inclined to consider his case on a different footing. But it is common knowledge that these arbitrary powers are always welcome. Why are they welcome? For the sake of administrative convenience. It is a very nice thing to have. Mr. Moir, if he is angry with me, can lock me up. That is a simple way of getting rid of me. I cannot claim a trial. He might send a doctor where I am who might come and examine my pulse and report to him that I am doing very well. All this is common knowledge, and you dont want to part with these powers, you want to stick to them. Now we want you to part with these powers; and at the same time let me assure you that I can give you proof. I ask you not to level this charge against us, that we do not appreciate the necessity or the desirability of maintaining law and order. I will give you an instance.

In the Morley Minto Reforms Council at the very first session, when it was called the Imperial Council, Lord Mintos Government brought in the Press Act. I ask you, do you remember that that was accepted by almost every nonofficial Member in that Council? I was a Member myself and I remember how we disliked it. It was abhorrent to me. My ideas of the freedom of the press, which I prize immensely, made me revolt against it, and yet let me tell you. Sir, that I was converted. I am not disclosing any secret when I tell you frankly and honestly why I was converted. Mr. Sinha, now Lord Sinha, who was the Law Member, discussed the matter with me. I was not converted. He then told me I will send you my file, you read it, and then we will discuss it. He sent me his private and confidential file. I read it. The Honorable Home Member seems to be amused at this. It did not contain anything else except all the extracts from various newspapers which were collected by Government. I read them and I assure you that when I went through them I felt that it was difficult for me to resist that measure being passed.

Well if you really keep harping on this point that this Assembly is incapable of appreciating the necessity of maintaining law and order and cannot therefore be traded, we keep on saying that this bureaucracy wants arbitrary powers for furthering their own ends and that after they have obtained those powers they are going to misuse them as they have misused them in the past and as they are bound in the very nature of things to dothey cannot help doing it. What did Mr. Moir say? I am surprised of course that he could have said it with so much .gusto. What did he say? He said There was no offence on the part of Government, we locked up so many people and we kept them there and prevented them from going to their homes. They are not allowed to go even now. He said that with great gusto; it is a very heroic thing to do indeed.
Mr. T. E. Moir: I protest, Sir, against the use of the expression with gusto, it was with the greatest regret that I referred to all these happenings in my speech.
Mr. M. A. Jinnah: Sir, I am quite willing to use any word that the Honorable Member would suggest to me, provided it is appropriate.
I think that was the only appropriate word. What did Sir Charles Innes say on the Ordinance Debate? He said If we had placed the facts which we had got before my friend, Pandit Motilal Nehru, he would have said Go ahead, hit them hard. Hit whom hard? (The Honorable Sir Charles Innes: The anarchists.) The anarchists? Are you hitting the anarchists now? That, Sir, is the mentality which I protest against. Here you have an Honorable Member, a Member of the Government of India, saying Hit the anarchists. That is the whole question.

Whoever says, you should not hit the anarchists? But you are hitting the innocents. I shall prove it to you. Sir Charles Innes read the opinion of Sir Narayan Chandavarkar and another Judge who examined certain cases on the police papers. Does he know that, as the result of that examination even of the police papers leave alone the test of crossexamination and the test of judicial trialfive per cent were found innocent? Do you know that? I can prove that five per cent were found innocent even on these police diaries. Are you hitting hard the anarchists? Sir, it is all very well for Sir Charles Innes to say this: What does he say? He recognizes that he might be blamed by meI am glad he is afraid of me at least. He said That stern crossexaminer would have held us up and brought forward an indictment and would have held us responsible for the lives of the people. There would have been an impeachment of Sir Charles Innes by me in this HouseI wish I could impeach him.

Therefore he said, We had to do this. Is that an argument? However, that is beside the point. But I wish to say this. Sir Charles Innes when he wound up appealed to this House and said I ask you to show sanity of judgment, political sense and moral courage. Yes, Sir, I assure you that this Assembly has got moral courage, this Assembly has got political sense, this Assembly has got sanity of judgment (Mr. V. J. Patel: And selfrespect) and selfrespect, if you will only act in the same way and show it by your actions.

(Speech on February 12, 1925 in Legislative Assembly)
Grievances of Indians in Tanganyika

Sir, after I listened to the speech of Mr. Graham and the speech of Mr. Bhore, I remembered what the late Mr. Gokhale said. He said that the Government of India in personnel were foreign, but he wished that in spirit they were Indian. Sir, in those days the personnel of the Government was almost entirely foreign. Now it is a mixture of foreign and Indian, almost half and half, but I regret to find that the spirit is still not Indian. There is something magical, something extraordinary, some sort of witchcraft at work, so that when you are translated to that Bench you seem to forget the Indian feeling and the Indian Spirit. Mr. Bhore, for whom I have very great respect, in his able speech, if I may say so, put the case very clearly and he appealed to us not to embarrass the Government. Sir, it reminded me of one set of beggars asking another set of beggars not to do something which might destroy our interests. No doubt the Government of India are merely a subordinate branch of the British Government. No doubt they are afraid that in the course of the negotiations that are going on, if we pass this Resolution, the Colonial Secretary will at once say, We are not going to discuss any more. And Mr. Bhore is mightily afraid that, if this Resolution is passed, the negotiations will come to an end. Well, Sir, although I recognize his advice that we ought to be practical and I am not one of those who does not believe in the wisdom of negotiations and compromises, I believe in them fully, still, let us examine the situation. We have been at it for the last two years. It is perfectly true, as Mr. Bhore has pointed out to us, that the Government of India have succeeded in making the position of the Indian traders more satisfactory with regard to the licenses.

I also concede that with regard to the small traders the representations of the Government of India have borne some fruit, but remember, even they have got to pay the translation fees in order to enable the officials to examine whether they come under the taxable amount of their income or not. Sir, what is the question about which we have been negotiating for the last two years with His Majestys Government and the Colonial Secretary? It is a simple question. Do I understand that the Colonial Secretary or His Majestys Government is so incompetent as not to understand this simple question? Does the grievance exist or does it not? Is it a just one or is it not a just one? And does it require two years and do you want still more time to understand it? After Mr. Bhores strenuous efforts, after the heroic efforts of the Government of India for the last two years, when: do we find ourselves now? The Colonial Secretary has graciously consented to reopen the question, says Mr. Bhore. I ask you, does not that show the utter incompetency of the Government of India? And you ask us now to do what? To wait. For what and for how long? Sir, in spite of this strong feeling, in spite of this strong opinion that I hold, I would have willingly agreed to meet the Government but for this difficulty. The League of Nations is going to meet in July. (A Voice: In September.)

Well, in September, if you like, at least this year. This Ordinance will come into force in April 1926, and supposing nothing is done and the sittings of the League of Nations are over, this Ordinance will come into force in April 1926. Before whom, then, can we go except that final Court of Appeal which is open to us? And, Sir, how is it going in any way to prejudice the position of the Government of India? The position of the Government of India is quite clear. As my Honorable friend Mr. Bhore said, I am sure the Government of India are doing their very best, notwithstanding the speech of Mr. Graham which, to my mind, was one which ought to be condemned. He talked of concessions. He spoke as if it was a favor. He talked and adduced arguments which, to my mind, were really disingenuous arguments. Why? He himself said that he did not want to say anything which would prejudge the interests of Indians in Tanganyika, and the whole of his speech from top to bottom was intended to convey the impression that he would try and get a concession as if it was merely a concession.

Now, Sir, what I want to ask the Government of India is this. How is it going to prejudice you if this Resolution is passed? Your position is very clear. You have been negotiating, and I frankly admit that, so far as the Government of India are concerned, they have been doing their best. I do not doubt it for a moment although I regret the speech of Mr. Graham and its tone. Sir, I again ask, how is the position of the Government of India going to be prejudiced? Their position is this. They say: For the last two years, we have been negotiating, we are still willing to admit that there is a just and a reasonable grievance which should be removed. Please remove it. But if you do not remove it out of sheer justice, out of sheer fairness to India, you, as the Government of India, will have to place the matter before the League of Nations which is the final tribunal, and we in this Assembly desire you to do so if you fail in your negotiations. Therefore, Sir, I fail to understand how this is going to embarrass the Government of India, and I am not at all convinced by the arguments of Mr. Bhore that we should not press this Resolution to a division, if necessary.

(Speech to the Royal Pakistan Air Force Station Risalpur on April 13, 1948)
Strong Air Force:
A Shield against Aggression

It gives me great pleasure to pay my first visit to a unit of the Royal Pakistan Air Force. There is no doubt that any country without a strong Air Force is at the mercy of any aggressor. Pakistan must build up her Air Force as quickly as possible. It must be an efficient Air Force second to none and must take its right place with the Army and the Navy in securing Pakistans defense. I am well aware of air developments in other countries and my Government is determined that the Royal Pakistan Air Force will not lag behind. The Royal Pakistan Air Force has started with very few assets except loyalty and determination to succeed. But the Royal Pakistan Air Force is already taking shape; this school formed only 7 months ago is a worthy example of this. I know you are short of personnel but I understand recruitment is brisk and good material is coming forward. To fill up the gaps in the meantime the Royal Air Force volunteers are coming forward and are welcome. I know also that you are short of aircraft and equipment, but efforts are being made to procure the necessary equipment and orders for modern aircraft have also been placed.

But aircraft and personnel in any numbers are of little use, unless there is a team spirit within the Air Force and a strict sense of discipline prevails. I charge you to remember that only with discipline and self reliance can the Royal Pakistan Air Force be worthy of Pakistan. I am pleased to learn of the progress which this school has made and as desired by the Air Commander and yourselves I name it from today The Royal Pakistan Air Force College. I thank you all and I wish your school and yourselves all success.

(Address to Officers and men of 3rd Armored Brigade, Risalpur on April 13, 1948)
Historic Role of 3rd Armored Brigade

I am pleased to have visited you today at your Headquarters. Risalpur, as the name indicates has been the home of Cavalry for a long time. For centuries Cavalry has been regarded as the Corps d elite of every nation. Although you have now changed your mounts for these aweinspiring machinesthe tanks, your perseverance, patience, coolness and dash that had to be displayed by a cavalier, must still remain your guiding light. Your Brigade is the only one of its kind in the Pakistan Army, in fact, in the whole of Muslim world. This unique distinction that you enjoy is a befitting compliment to the biggest Muslim State. Your victories and achievements in World War II are too wellknown for me to recount. Your Brigade invariably formed the spearhead of the Fourteenth Armys advance from Manipur Road to Rangoon, and the privilege of continuing to wear the famous Fourteenth Army badge by your Brigade is befitting of your deeds.

Since the establishment of Pakistan almost every unit of this Brigade has been reformed, and within this short period of 8 months you have knit yourself into a formidable team. All this happened while you were continuously being called upon to perform multifarious duties, such as evacuating millions of stranded Muslims from the Eastern Punjab and States, and maintaining law and order within your own borders. This is a great achievement in itself and can only be attributed to the high morale, integrity, selfless devotion to duty and loyalty. I have no doubt that you will always be prepared to take on any hazardous duty which you may be called upon to perform. Lastly, I would like to mention how pleased I am to see this formation which is fully equipped and trained to fight with uptodate and modern instruments. This is indicative of a nations fitness to take an equal place with other big nations of the world.

(Address to Officers and men of Pakistan Armored Corps Centre, Naushera April 13, 1948)
Armored Corps:
Spearhead of the Army

Officers and Men: As you know on Partition all Armored Corps Training Establishments were in India. We were left with absolutely no training Establishment for Armored Corps. Literally, we in Pakistan had to start from scratch in this particular field. And it was very essential to take steps to open a Pakistan Training Establishment as soon as possible so that the intake of recruits should not be held up and their training should continue with as little break as possible and courses could be run for Regiments. But unfortunately, considerable delay was caused owing to the impossibility of moving the Pakistan element from India until October, and I am glad to say it is due to the untiring efforts of all of you that, in such a short space of time, the Centre is now functioning fully in all departments. Cavalry has always been the spearhead of the Army. This is no less true in these days of mechanization than it was in the days of horses. To carry out their role, Cavalry must have the very best in officers and men. Whether they do in fact attain this level depends very largely on you. You produce the recruit and turn him out as a trained soldier. You train officers and men in all the latest developments of your arm of the service. Upon this training and teaching depends on the efficiency of the Armored Corps as a whole. Those of you who are on the Staff of the Centre, make up your minds that there is always room for improvement and much depends upon your efforts. Those of you who are under training, determine always to do your best, to take the fullest advantage of your opportunities here. There are many of you on parade today who have come here before going on pension or release. Your Army Service is completed and you have given the best years of your life to the service of your country. Your country is grateful. Many of you may not wish to go but it is unavoidable. After all great wars it is necessary to reduce the Army to its peacetime strength and all cannot remain.

Remember that you have learned much of the world and of the duties of a good citizenship in the Army. You can continue to serve your Country in your homes by spreading this knowledge and by the example of your way of living. There are many among you, who are refugees from India. You are uncertain of the future for yourselves and for your families. I can assure you that this problem is receiving the most earnest attention of Government and that no efforts are being spared in endeavoring to arrange for your resettlement. I am glad to know that this Centre contributed the sum of 4,516 to the Quaid I Azams Relief Fund which is giving much aid in this work. Do not forget espirit de corps pride in your Regiment, pride in the Corps as a whole, and pride in and devotion to your country Pakistan. Pakistan depends on you and puts her faith in you as defenders of your country. Be worthy of her. This Army was built up and made its reputation due to the devotion and bravery of your fathers and grandfathers. Make up your minds to be worthy sons. You have started well and have accomplished much. Continue as you have started and all will be well with the Pakistan Armored Corps.

Editorial Team,
Mindfiesta

 
 
 
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